Abstract:

The objective of this work was to utilize the critical discourse analysis in the reporting and coverage of Indo-Pak relations from an ideological perspective after 9/11. The critical discourse analysis of local, international, and business news, editorials, articles, columns, and letters to the editor published in Nawa-i-Waqt, a Pakistani Urdu Newspaper, is carried out. The overall purpose of the study was to critically analyze lexical choices, rhetorical devices and the dominant themes reported after 9/11 from August 1st, 2008 to January 31, 2009, the peak time of terrorist attacks in Pakistan. In the present study, it has been noticed that the Urdu newspaper ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’ reports and publishes more news, editorials, columns, and articles regarding this hot aspect. The CDA of lexical items reported and published in the daily Nawa-i-Waqt revealed the use of victimization and generalization in the coverage of Indian Occupied Kashmir. Similarly, Nawa-i-Waqt newspaper also exclusively focused and reported the historical narrative of the government of Pakistan and its efforts to convey the frightful condition of Kashmir and Kashmiris to the nations of the world and engage them to resolve this longstanding dispute

Key Words

Indo-Pak Relations, Urdu Newspaper, Occupied Kashmir, CDA, 9/11

Introduction

Indian and Pakistani governments have been at daggers drawn with one another since their independence from British occupation in 1947 (Baroncelli, E., 2007). The enmity of both the countries is ill-reputed all over the world; that enmity is termed as Hindu - Muslim rivalry. Kashmir is the root cause between them. Among the others are the Siachin glacier, the Kargil issue, three devastating wars, and the Sir Creek problem. Along with many border skirmishes and clashes and several other minor or major controversial problems are responsible for the long history of sprained relations of both nations. This attitude also affected, among many other issues, the foreign policy of both countries. Different organizations and forums like SAARC and ASEAN were established to minimize this rivalry, but they do not become effective associations. Most of the time, both countries joined opposite blocks during the cold war due to their own hostility, India joined the communist block (Russia), and Pakistan joined the socialist block, i.e. America. Any activity based on violence on any side of both borders is supposed as if done by the opposite side. Media, textbooks and especially politicians have played a pivotal role in raising a sense of misunderstanding among the people of both countries. Before the partition of the sub-continent, during the Pakistan movement, the two-nation theory was the central impulse in achieving freedom from Great Britain; religious elements were also included in the foundation of that desire. Consequently, the heartbreaking events and incidents like the destruction and demolition of Babri Mosque in 1990, ethnic and religious riots in India Gujrat in 2002 and explosions in Samjhota express in 2007 may be quoted as examples of Hindu – Muslim Confrontation.

Critical Discourse Analysis: Theoretical Background

Fairclough (2004) views critical discourse analysis as a problem solving interdisciplinary movement of research incorporating a number of approaches, and every approach contains a diverse theoretical model, agenda and research method. This approach was launched and initiated by a group of scholars in the decade of 1980s in England and Western Europe and after that, a set of approaches that investigate the connection between language use, its speakers and listeners, its socio-political perspectives, its structure and practices in which it occurs proliferated in the whole world.  The study of discourse accentuates the way language is connected with the subject matters and issues, namely power and ideology that regulate the proper use of language, its effects, and how it serves and reflects the benefits, outlooks, status and values of those figures who are exercising powers in different socio-political arenas. From the study of critical discourse analysis (CDA), it can be deduced that language and discourse disseminate social patterns of life, i.e. exploitation, domination, discrimination, naturalization, dehumanization, and ideologically driven elements, i.e. common sense, overt the cover ideas so that resistance, awareness, social action and emancipation can bring about social change and justice. Consequently, it can be concluded that CDA stereotypically is normative as it explores and makes a difference between the right and the wrong, and it also speaks about social injustices and wrongdoings in their discursive parts, and it explores the possible ways of resolving or vindicating these issues. 

Discourse and Discursive Practices 

Discourse is a social deed, is now unpacked. But what illustrates the arrangement and pattern in this social exploit and action? The most prominent source of regularity and promptness is the discursive practices that individuals jointly draw on to arrange their demeanour. These discursive practices vary from culture to culture as Gumpers (1982) pointed out that the discursive practices of a particular culture at a specific period of time are usually separate and dissimilar from that of another culture. This situation is clearly comprehended because a specific culture usually seems to perceive and express itself under the influence of its discursive practices. These discursive practices of a certain historical period offer the structure to understand reality. These structures look normal and original, and it becomes very difficult for people to go against these discursive structures. Foucault (1984) assesses that a slight alteration in discursive practices results in a huge change in the outlook, attitude and belief system of the society. Reading material (printed and visual) and the education system performs a major role in the perspective. Similarly, Dijk (1998b) proposes a comprehensive, useful and exclusive understanding of the way a social group develops and magnifies a specific outlook about other people of the world and this standpoint due to emotional affiliation with country, religion, and culture. When there is a specific discourse event in a particular social perspective, discourse is indeed possessing a complete world view of that society. It should not be observed and sensed just as an expression of life practices of that society; rather, it itself is a practice. So, it is an action, not a ‘representation’. At this point, it would be reasonable to argue that whenever something is expressed in a discourse event, it should not be seen at its surface level, meaning ‘what has been said because it just offers the overt’ or dictionary meanings of the utterances. The covert (real) meanings would be disclosed only when utterances would be seen and measured with the comprehension and understanding of the discursive practices of that peculiar society. “Ideologies are primarily located in the unsaid (implicit propositions)”. (Fairclough 1998) Fairclough’s expressed views clearly stress the need that focus should remain on “how something has been said,” not on “what has been said”.

The Centripetal Forces of Discourse Events

Discursive practices refer to the ‘talk activities that people do, and these activities are social phenomena. To the members of a particular age and society, their discursive practices look reasonably natural and coordinated. Despite the fact that discursive practices of the preceding age seem totally feigned and unnatural to the future generation, still, they are some forces that take action to make them real and original. Fairclough (1998) points out that these particular forces are language and the ‘order of discourse’. He created the term ‘Centripetal Forces’ for the said forces because these forces always keep an entity revolving in the circle. In the same way, these forces retain their participants to think under the boundaries and restrictions of the discursive practices of their time. The same kind of outlook and perception is found among people and media of both the countries about Indo-Pak relations. 

The Discourse of Pakistani Newspapers 

The newspaper has been defined as “a source of communication designed to report and influence a large number of people” (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1980). Fairclough (1995b) tends to recognize the function of newspapers as: “The central role performed by newspapers is to report events and incidents.” DeFleur, M. L. & Dennis, E. (1998) expressed a similar line of thought on the matter of newspaper and defined it as a technology which facilitates a message to be transmitted among a large number of individuals at the same time and this “transmission of messages by a newspaper takes place through a proper medium, and that medium or channel is named as language or discourse.” 

The news is an artefact not only of intended manipulation but of the economic and ideological circumstances under which the newspapers operate. By analyzing the discourses of Urdu newspapers of Pakistan, the class distinction of Pakistani society can be traced out successfully. The discourse of Urdu newspapers is very restricted, sentimental and colloquial. Its chief objective is frequently to show one side of the picture because all the columns, articles and editorials are written by local writers. Therefore, the discourses accessible to the indigenous people are restrained, biased and full of national and prejudiced sentiments. 

Linguistic Division in Pakistani Society

Pakistan is a multilingual country in which Urdu, English and many other indigenous languages are spoken, which show a very obvious linguistic division in Pakistani society. English language is considered the language of a well-educated and elite class of society and is thought of as the symbol of persons of high social status. The people who are proficient in speaking English are thought to be knowledgeable and superior to Urdu and local languages speaking people. 

Orwell, G. (1968) traced back this trend to the British imperial rule of the sub-continent. At that time, the English language attained the status of the elite class language. This attitude is still in vogue. Dijk (1998a) argues: “In every society ideologies of dominated groups of society are developed in the language and through the logic of the dominant classes of society.” This can also be observed in Pakistani society where ideologies are formed and disseminated in the language and mind of the upper strata of the society. The upper social classes want to attain and sustain their hegemony over certain discourses. The reasons of the superiority of English language are there, but despite these, there are some other reasons which are created to make people to believe that English, being the language of invaders, is an alien language and its use should be restricted. Urdu language is admired and cherished because it is the national language of the country; most suitable for the creation and dissemination of ideologies (Fairclough, 1995a). 

The Segments of Newspapers Consulted for the Study

Fairclough (1995b) determines that the basic function of newspapers is to provide information to their readers. Moreover, they do a lot of other functions as well. The primary objective behind that is to convince or persuade their readership. Therefore, newspapers are often divided into different segments depending upon the particular information they are disseminating. For the sake of present research, local, international, business, editorial, articles, columns, and letters to the editor are included. Furthermore, special editions, on various public occasions, festivals and religious occasions are also included in newspapers, focusing on the needs of different types of readership. 

The discourses from these segments of Urdu newspaper, namely Nawa-i-Waqat, has been critically analyzed to discover the ideological investment practices in which this newspaper treat. The hardcore nations, value ideological invested discourses as it reflects its own ideas, beliefs, values, norms and attitudes. 

Research Methodology Research Hypothesis

Nawa-i-Waqat (a Rightest-Wing Pakistani) Urdu newspaper deliberately project one-sided political ideology regarding Indio-Pak relations in a specific fashion, keeping in view of the sentimentalities and opinions of the Pakistani nation.

Problem Statement

This research paper emphasizes the impact of concealed and under-covered political ideologies on discourses established in Pakistani daily Urdu and daily newspapers in general but in Nawa-i-Waqt in particular. It is evident that the language of Nawa-i-Waqat is different from other strata of private newspapers as the aforementioned newspaper utilizes the political ideology based on patriotism and sentimentalism. 

Importance of the Research

This study is important in the sense that it analyses local, national and international news documented in Nawa-i-Waqat while using CDA (a multidisciplinary research approach). As it is an exploratory study, the findings will have great to showcase the hidden ideological Indo-Pak relations.

The current research has great importance because:

1. The findings of the research will provide a complete database to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to develop a soothing and favorable foreign policy regarding India.

2. The results of this research would be supportive of expediting the reading skill of the students.

3. This study would be helpful in disseminating national ideology in an operational and well-organized manner.

4. This research would also be accommodating for media analysts and anchorpersons to have a better understanding of newspaper discourses and multidimensional linguistic devices. 

Research Procedure

Indo-Pak relations in ideological perspective after 9/11: a critical discourse analysis of Nawa-i-Waqt, a Pakistani Urdu Newspaper, is a type of historical research. To deduce the covert discourse of the national, international, local news, editorials, columns and letters to the editor published from 1st August 2008 to 31st January 2009, the era in which Pakistan suffered brutal terrorist attacks made by internal and external forces, CDA was planned to have a broader view of meanings used in political news and their ideologies lying under each segment of collected data from Urdu newspaper. The collected data for this research was analyzed by keeping in view the theories of Fairclough and Dijk (1998) as a model.

Research Objectives

1. To investigate the lexical choices and rhetorical devices that are used by ‘Nawa-i-Waqt,’ an Urdu newspaper to project certain political ideologies.

2. To explore the impact of an ideological message by the way in which the news is projected in ‘Nawa-i-Waqt.’

Research Questions

1. What sorts of lexical choices and rhetorical devices are used by Nawa-i-Waqt, an Urdu newspaper, to project certain political ideologies?

2. How is the impact of the ideological message enhanced by the way in which the news is projected in Nawa-i-Waqt?

Research Sites

Data and mandatory helpful material for the proposed study were gathered from books of CDA, theses, research journals and one Pakistani Urdu newspaper named ‘Nawa-i-Waqt.’

Data Collection

The researcher collected data from one daily Urdu newspapers, ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’, for consecutive six months from August 1st 2008, to January 31, 2009, the peak time of terrorist attacks in Pakistan.

Research Limitations

CDA theory is implied to uncover Indo-Pak relations after 9/11, depicted in ‘Nawa-i-Waqt,’ a Pakistani daily Urdu newspaper. Data from one daily Urdu newspapers, ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’ for consecutive six months from August 1st 2008, to January 31, 2009, were collected.

Description of Data and Results of the Study

In the present study, data collected from ‘Nawa-i-Waqt,’ segregated into two parts, i.e. Indo-Pak relations in terms of ‘political ideology’ and ‘Indo-Pak relations in terms of ‘cultural ideology’ for the sake of better understanding and critical discourse analysis. Lexical items are critically analyzed, and the role of rhetorical devices is explored using the multidisciplinary method of CDA. Some pieces of news discourse are analyzed from Pakistani abovementioned Urdu newspaper critically. 

Indo-Pak Relations in terms of Political Ideology

‘In Andhra, anti-Muslim waves are continued, and three children are martyred by burnt.’ (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: October 13, 2008). 

CDA

In this discourse, the word “waves” is employed metaphorically. Because Andhra (India) is not a river or sea in which waves are produced, essentially, it signifies passions or feelings. It is the heading of the front page in which some facts are reported about anti-Muslim passions and feelings of Indian officials and the masses of India. Similarly, the choice of lexical items is significant in the abovementioned discourse. The word “Martyr” is employed for Muslims only. It implies when Muslims die, carrying a sacred cause, they enter paradise and are called martyrs. 

‘To reduce tension, Islamabad must do comprehensive and impartial investigations.’ (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: December 17, 2008). 

‘Pakistan should root out training camps which are used for terrorist activities from his soil against India.’ Gordon Brown (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: December 17, 2008). 

‘Islamabad must cut terrorism from its roots.’ India (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: September 13, 2008).

CDA

In these discourses, two terms are used metaphorically, i.e. Islamabad and roots . Sometimes metaphors are used to replace the name of something with something else that is linked or connected to it, without being the whole thing. In these examples, Islamabad is used metaphorically because it replaces the government of Pakistan or the people of Pakistan. Here Islamabad assumes all the qualities of the government of Pakistan. Similarly, in Pakistan any announcement or statement on behalf of the foreign office, Prime Minister or President is made, termed as “The Islamabad Said”. 

Secondly, the word “roots” is used metaphorically. Islamabad or Pakistan is not a “tree” that stands on roots. Here it means the “training camps” or “setup” which facilitates extremists and terrorists in their military training and they do terrorist activities in other countries. 

‘Occupied Kashmir: today a strike will be held against anti-Muslim riots.’ (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: September 4, 2008).

CDA

In this discourse the word Muslim Kush or

anti-Muslim) is specific in its use here. As the word Holocaust is specific to Jews. Likewise, the word “Muslim Kush” or anti-Muslim is especially employed for Muslim where they are being executed by state or non-state elements. We hardly come to know about words like Sikh Kush, Hindu Kush or Esaee Kush in the Urdu language. The term Muslim Kush indicates subjugation on Muslims. 

‘In Kashmir, the war of independence is being fought.’ (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: December 31, 2008). 

CDA

The implied meaning of this chunk of discourse is that the fighting in Kashmir is for the sacred mission. The noun phrase “war of independence” gives the impression that Kashmiris are pacifists and Indian forces are doing injustices in occupied Kashmir. It may be quoted as an example of implicit “local coherence” in which covertly blame is shifted to the opponents and virtues, and good things are reserved for one’s own side. 

‘Third force wants to make worse Indo-Pak relations.’ Qazi (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: December 18, 2008). 

CDA

This discourse clearly manifests two terms. Firstly, “evidentiality” in which one has the evidence or proof while the other is unknown. Usually, one who knows the truth enjoys a high and powerful position. The same is the case with Qazi. He knows that someone else wants to spoil Indo-Pak relations. On the other hand here India is Unknown or misguided who knows nothing.  Secondly, the lexical arrangement of the words, Indo-Pak, is of much importance. Fairclough (1984) argues that using persuasion tactics; an ideology is established in which the beliefs one wants people to hold appear to be ‘commonsense’; people usually talk under the influence of that ideology. Here the lexical arrangement of lexical items  shows ideological manifestation. For example, there are certain things that have attained the shape of norms or standard by repeatedly reading and speaking about them, and the other way is viewed as non-standard or deviation from the norm, as consider the following construction. 

Indo-Pak Relations in terms of Cultural Ideology

If we consider it the other way, ‘Pak-India relations,’ it will seem somewhat odd and funny to say or read or write that way. These are norms or standards formed or created by an ideology, and it seems logical and natural to the reader and listener. But it is also the truth that cultural variations become the cause of ideological variations. That is why Pakistani Urdu newspapers use this arrangement differently from English newspapers. 

‘Occupied Kashmir: So-called elections completed, brutalities of Indian army continue, 3 Kashmiris martyred and 2 army men damned to hell’ (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: December 25, 2008). 

CDA

The noun phrase “occupied Kashmir” is used only in Pakistani newspapers; on the contrary western media like BBC, CNN and Voice of America use the term “Indian held Kashmir” or “disputed territory” the term “occupied” clearly implies that India has unjustly held the control of Kashmir. Inwardly, the use of the word “occupied” manifests Indo-Pak rivalry. The second portion deals with the activities of the Indian army, which are named “brutal”. Both the words “brutal” and “occupied” are, when read together, give a negative image about the Indian army because occupiers always do cruelties in occupied territories. Thirdly, here the choice of a lexical item is important. The same incident is reported with the choice of different lexical items; the word “martyred” is employed for Kashmiri Muslims, and “damned to hell” is used for Indian occupying forces. It clearly manifests that when Muslims die, carrying a noble cause, they enter in paradise and are named martyrs. Similarly, Kashmiris, as a Muslim nation, are fighting for a sacred cause and non-Muslims like Hindus and Indian Army men directly go to hell as they are cruel and the reward of cruelty is hell. But these kinds of lexical items, phrases and sentences are mostly observed in Urdu newspaper namely Nawa-i-Waqt, which only disseminates sensational and sentimental news related to Indo-Pak rivalry. Same sorts of image can be viewed from the following pieces of news.

‘The moral and financial help for the sacred mission of Kashmiris will continue,’ Qazi (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: January 27, 2009). 

‘Those, who are engaged in trade with India, betraying martyrs’ (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: 26, 2008). 

‘Occupied Kashmir: Second Phase of elections also failed, polling stations were empty, Kashmiris demonstrated, and Pakistani flag was raised’ (Daily Nawa-i-Waqt: November 24, 2008). 

CDA

Here the word ‘failed’ has unsure meanings. It

may be a failure for the Indian army, government and the Hindus, but on the other hand, for Pakistanis, it may be pleasing because any dearth of the opponent is favorable for the other group. Such statements which portray any lacking are deficiency in the Indian army is presented with full happiness in Pakistan in Pakistani newspapers, especially in Urdu newspapers. 

Findings and Discussions

The object of the study was to comprehend and resolve the ties of the covert discourse of Pakistani Urdu newspaper, i.e. Nawa-i-Waqt, in the context of Indo-Pak relations, especially after the hard incident of 9/11 while applying the theory of critical discourse analysis.

Research Question# 01

What sorts of lexical choices and rhetorical devices are used by ‘Nawa-i-Waqt,’ an Urdu newspaper to project certain political ideologies?

The key lexical items projected by the daily Nawa-i-Waqt in the reported news regarding Indo-Pak relations are nouns, adjectives and action verbs that usually become the cause of such expressions and feelings that create panic situation and tension among the readers. After 9/11 incident, such kind of lexical choices and rhetorical devices are used in the reporting of Nawa-i-Waqt excessively. In the discourse ‘Islamabad must cut terrorism from its roots.’ India: In this reported discourse two terms are used metaphorically i.e. Islamabad  and roots  as the first term replaces the government of Pakistan or the people of Pakistan. Here Islamabad assumes all the qualities of the government of Pakistan. Secondly, the word “roots”  is also used metaphorically. Islamabad or Pakistan is not a “tree” that stands on roots. Here it means the “training camps” or “setup”, which allegedly facilitates extremists and terrorists in their military training and they do terrorist activities in other countries. Furthermore, the discourse ‘Occupied Kashmir: today a strike will be held against anti-Muslim riots,’ indicates the most striking lexical element such as  (Muslim Kush or anti-Muslim) is specific in its use here. As the word Holocaust is specific for Jews. Likewise, the word “Muslim Kush” or anti-Muslim is especially employed for Muslim where they are being executed by state or non-state actors. We hardly come to know about words like Sikh Kush (anit-Sikh), Hindu Kush (anti-Hindu) or Esaee Kush (anti-Christian) in Urdu language. The term Muslim Kush indicates subjugation on Muslims. In the above reported discourses blame is shifted to the opponents and all virtues are earmarked for one’s own side and the chief purpose of all this is to create sympathy in the mind of Pakistani readers. It also shows the fundamental ideology of the selected newspaper i.e. Nawa-i-Waqt.  In the same way the news ‘ So called elections completed, brutalities of Indian army continue, 3 Kashmiris martyred and 2 army men damned to hell,’ indicates the choice of different lexical items i.e. the word “martyred” is employed for Kashmiri Muslims and “damned to hell” is used for Indian occupying forces. It clearly manifests that when Muslims die, carrying a noble cause, they enter in the paradise and are named as martyrs. Similarly, Kashmiris as a Muslim nation, are fighting for a sacred cause and non-Muslims like Hindus and Indian Army men directly go in hell as they are cruel and the compensation of vindictiveness is hell. The discourse ‘Third force wants to make worse Indo-Pak relations.’ Qazi: exposes two terms, firstly, ‘evidentiality’ in which one has the evidence or proof while the other is unknown. Usually, one who knows the truth enjoys high and powerful position. Same is the case with Qazi. He knows that someone else wants to spoil Indo-Pak relations. On the other hand here India is Unknown or misguided who knows nothing. Such types figurative speeches, lexical items, phrases and sentences are mostly observed in Urdu newspaper namely Nawa-i-Waqt, which only disseminates sensational and sentimental news related to Indo-Pak rivalry.

Research Question# 02

How the impact of ideological message is enhanced by the way in which the news is projected in ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’?

The globe of the world has rapidly changed after the 9/11 brutal incident, and it brought the two nuclear neighboring powers again into bitter fame. To analyze and assess the relationships between India and Pakistan after the 9/11 scenario, this study investigates the data published in Urdu newspaper ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’ from the period of August 1st 2008 to January 31, 2009. In the present study, it has been noticed that ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’ reports and publishes more news, editorials, columns and articles regarding this hot aspect. The reason is that it is a more sentimental and cherished issue for the common man of Pakistan. According to Van Dijk (1998), ideology is framed with the vocabulary of language, and words used in newspapers actually exposes the ideology of the newspaper network. This type of approach is clearly visible in the news published in the daily Nawa-i-Waqt in the said period, such as the discourse ‘In Andhra anti-Muslim waves are continued, and three children are martyred by burnt’ undoubtedly Andhra (India) is not a sea, river or lake in which waves are produced. In actual fact it signifies passions or feelings produced from anti-Muslim passions and feelings of Indian officials and the masses of India. Likewise, the reported news ‘In Kashmir the war of independence is being fought’ reveals that the noun phrase “war of independence” gives the impression that Kashmiris are pacifists and Indian forces are doing injustices in occupied Kashmir in which covertly blame is shifted to the opponents and virtues and good things are reserved for one’s own side and all this create sympathy in the mind of Pakistani readers which shows the fundamental ideology of the selected newspaper. Further, the heading of Nawa-i-Waqt ‘So called elections completed, brutalities of Indian army continue, 3 Kashmiris martyred and two army men damned to hell’ reveals that the noun phrase “occupied Kashmir” is used only in Pakistani newspapers on the contrary Western media like BBC, CNN and Voice of America use the term ‘Indian held Kashmir’ or ‘disputed territory’ the term ‘occupied’ clearly implies that India has unjustly held the control of Kashmir and Kashmiri people and such kind of discourse provoke soft sentiments for the Kashmiri masses rage against India. This is what the newspaper institution and its readership consider true.

Conclusion

This study can be summarized by proposing that critical discourse analysis offers researchers a chance to find out hidden truths and ideologies prevailing in apparently plain discourses. This research indicated how the daily ‘Nawa-i-Waqt, an Urdu newspaper projects its ideology regarding Indo-Pak relations post 9/11 scenario. The results of the current research revealed that after 9/11, the part performed by media, specifically print media, in promoting the positive portrait of Pakistan profoundly amplified. The collected data from the daily Nawa-i-Waqt newspaper and its critical discourse analysis indicated that this media group gave abundant, sentimental and emotional coverage to the issues concerned. In this work, data was obtained to analyze two levels of discourse, i.e. lexical and rhetorical, along with finding out the ideological message from the collected data. At the lexical level, the key lexical items projected by the daily Nawa-i-Waqt in the reported news regarding Indo-Pak relations are nouns, adjectives and action verbs that usually become the cause of such expressions and feelings that create panic situation and tension among the readers. After the 9/11 incident, such kind of lexical choices and rhetorical devices are used in the reporting of Nawa-i-Waqt excessively. In the present study, it has been noticed that the Urdu newspaper ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’ reports and publishes more news, editorials, columns and articles regarding this hot aspect. The reason is that it is a more sentimental and cherished issue for the common men of Pakistan. The CDA of lexical items reported and published in the daily Nawa-i-Waqt revealed the use of victimization and generalization in the coverage of Indian Occupied Kashmir. Similarly, Nawa-i-Waqt newspaper also exclusively focused and reported the historical narrative of the government of Pakistan and its efforts to convey the frightful condition of Kashmir and Kashmiris to the nations of the world and engage them to resolve this longstanding dispute. As a result, overall, Nawa-i-Waqt reported more positively while covering the issue of Kashmir and Kashmiri masses and negative and undesirable framing for the government of India and Indian occupying forces.   

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